During the 1980s, the sector
was dominated by governmental water-supply utilities, which supplied water and
sanitation (WSS) services to most of Chile.
The inclusion of private operators began in 1988. The urban water supply coverage in 1993 was
97.6%, and the service was provided mainly by state owned water supply
operators (see Figure 1). Furthermore,
only 85.9% of urban population had access to sewer collection and only 13% of
wastewater was treated. The driver of this situation was the low investment in
infrastructure; the estimated investment cost deficit for the 1993 – 2000
period was $2.4 billion. A 63% of the deficit
was in wastewater treatment. Before
1993, the average annual investment of the state owned operators was $150
million.
Figure 1: Growth and Evolution
Regulated Water and Sanitation Sector (Own elaboration based on SISS, 2013)
During 1994, several of the 13 state
owned WSS operators presented losses; for example Essat presented -4.1% and
Emssa -3.2%. This was, in part due to a
30% increase in average costs between 1990 y 1994. Administrative costs
increased during this period; ESVAL incremented its administrative costs in 140%
while EMOS increased by 40%. Furthermore, non-revenue water varied between 24%
and 43%.
The actual legal framework of
the WSS sector established in 1988, establishes the following objectives that water
and sanitation tariffs must satisfy:
a) Full
recovery of operation and maintenance costs;
b) Fund
necessary infrastructure reposition and development plan investment;
c) Tariff
reductions when operators increase efficiency; and
d) Operational
margins that are consistent with the opportunity cost of capital.
The legal framework of the
Chilean water and sanitation tariff system establishes that tariffs must
satisfy the principles of i) economic efficiency, ii) water conservation
incentives, iii) equity, and (v) affordabiliy (Chavez, 2002).
In order to comply with
economic efficiency, the WSS tariffs are based on a two Part Tariff, following Coase’s
Solution: a variable and fixed tariff. The variable tariff is set following Hotelling’s
Principle; thus, variable water tariff is consistent with the first best
solution where marginal benefits are equal to long-run marginal costs[1]
(MC) and social welfare is maximized (Figure 2). However, this variable tariff set at MC does
not cover the operator’s average costs; that is, the WSS providers operate with
losses. In order to satisfy the full
cost recovery principle, a fixed tariff is included so as to cover the natural
monopoly’s losses at the first best solution.
Figure 2: Tariff setting Principles
The Executive Decree 453 of the
1988 Law N° 70, of the Ministry of Public Works (Ministerio de Obras Públicas, MOP) establishes a variable tariff which
is set for periods of high demand, during summer months, (peak variable tariff
$/m3) and for non-peak periods (non-peak variable tariff $/m3).
The peak and non-peak tariffs are considered so as to internalize changes in
seasonal demand and thus cover differences in the provision costs of the service.
As previously pointed out, the current tariff structure also considers a fixed
charge per customer (connection), which depends on the diameter of the
connection.
In order to estimate the variable
charge, the Chilean tariff law introduced the concept of the incremental
development cost, which is defined as the value that applied to the incremental
forecasted demand generates the necessary revenues, so as to cover incremental
operation efficient costs and the required investment associated to an
optimized expansion project the WSS firm.
The incremental development cost is determined such that the net present
value of the optimized expansion project is equal to zero (D.F.L. No 70/1988).
The variable tariff also considers
the value of water so that consumers consider the scarcity of water in their
consumption decisions[2]. This generates correct incentives to conserve
water in resource scarce areas. For
example, average variable non-peak and peak tariffs in the Dry Pacific arid
system are $1.3/m3 and $2.2/m3. In the Southern Humid
Pacific System, on the other hand, they are $0.88/m3 and $1.3/m3,
respectively. Fixed tariffs also vary according to water scarcity representing
$1.9/m3 and $0.8/ m3 in the Dry and Southern Humid
Pacific systems, respectively (SISS, 2013).
Additionally, evidence that tariffs send the right signals to consumers
is that average monthly household consumption has significantly fallen since
1998 from approximately 25 m3/household/month to 18.6 m3/household/month
in 2013 (Figure 3).
Figure 3: Average monthly household
water consumption (m3/household/month) (SISS, 2013)
The affordability criteria is met by the provision of
subsidies directly to the most vulnerable households. Households are classified
based on an annual survey (Encuesta Casen)
which estimates household per capita income. In order to qualify for the subsidy,
households must not have payment arrears with the service provider. The central
government transfers the block subsidy to the municipalities; the latter use
this to pay a share of each of the eligible household’s water bill; the payment
share ranges from 15 to 85 per cent of the water bill, with the poorest
families getting the highest share. The subsidy covers a consumption of up to
20 m3. The Social Development Ministry (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social, MDS) uses the household survey
information for each Region of Chile to determine the size the block subsidy that
needs to be transferred to the municipalities. The WSS providers bill the
benefiting households for the net of subsidy amount, but indicating the full
consumption cost, and then charge the municipality for the subsidies granted[3].
The municipality will be charged interest for late payment, and the WSS
provider can discontinue service to benefiting households if there is
non-payment by the municipality. In 2011, 15% of WSS provider customers were benefited
(6% of total sales), at a cost of $80 million, and an average monthly subsidy
per household of $10.
In order to obtain the
necessary investment funds to improve its performance the WSS sector’s indicators,
during the period 1989-99, an institutional model was put in place where the
regulatory and supervisory functions were separated from the investment,
production and sale of service functions.
The new regulatory regime, which considered concessions to establish
build and operate water and sanitation services by private providers, led to an
increase in private participation in the provision of WSS services from 5% in
1999 to 95.5% in 2013. This process also
led to a significant increase in average annual investments from $200 million
to $500 million in 1999 and 2013, respectively (Figure 2). This is mainly due to the increased rate of
return on capital, due to increases in tariff rates. Tariff rates are
determined so that investors receive a low-risk return of at least 7% on
capital expenditures and therefore private WSS providers have the incentive to
invest in water provision, wastewater collection and treatment (Hearne and
Donoso, 2005). For example, sewage treatment coverage increased from 17% in 1999
to 99.8% in 2013 (Figure 2).
This reform period coincided
with the era of high economic growth (6.2% per year) with real incomes rising
significantly. Williams and Carriger (2006) propose that the transformation of
the WSS sector would not have been so successful without these high rates of
growth. The level of investment needed to attain this coverage could not have
been reached if the Chilean Government were responsible for investment. With
tariffs set centrally for water and sanitation, efficiency incentives exist for
the companies to increase returns on investment. This has happened and these
companies perform well on the Chilean Stock exchange (Bitran and Arellano,
2005).
Currently there are 53 water
and sanitation service providers operating in the urban areas of Chile. They
function as private companies although the state investment company, ECONSSA,
still owns a considerable number of share in most companies (Hearne and Donoso,
2005). Five of Chile's 13 regional water companies were fully privatized with
partial sale to multinationals in 1998.
The WSS providers service more
than 4.5 million clients[4],
94.4% of clients are domestic, 4.7% commercial, 0.2% industrial and 0.7% other.
Additionally, 95% of all clients have both drinking water and wastewater
connections. The other 5% have either one or the other, with most having only
drinking water connections.
The large and medium service
providers (8 of the 53) serve 84.2% of all clients. It is interesting to note
that a municipality (SRMPA of the Maipu municipality) owns one of them. Private
providers service 95.5% of all clients.
With respect to the
service quality, Figure 4 shows that costumer’s satisfaction levels since 2008
are over 99%. WSS clients were quite satisfied with the service, rating it with
a 5.3 on a scale of 1 to 7 (GWI, 2013).
Figure 5: Water
service quality (SISS, 2013)
Therefore, the new regulatory
scheme in the Chilean WSS sector has provided the right economic signals for an
efficient allocation of resources. It has also led to meeting the set goals for
service coverage. Additionally, the
transformation of the WSS sector has led to the
a) Improvement
in quality of service
b) Increase
in WSS provision coverage, despite rapidly increasing urban populations; and
c) Increase
in water conservation by customers.
In summary, Chile’s policy of providing water supply
and sanitation (WSS) services through privatized regional and local water
companies has been a notable success.
References
1 Bitran, G. and P. Arellano, 2005, Regulating
Water Services, Sending the Right Signals to Utilities in Chile, Public Policy
for the Private Sector, World Bank, Note number 286, March.2005. Available at Background
Document http://rru.worldbank.org/Documents/PublicPolicyJournal/286Bitran_Arellano.pdf.
2 Chavez, C. 2002, Public-Private Partnership And
Tariff Setting: The Case Of Chile, OECD Global Forum on Sustainable Development
Conference on Financing the Environmental Dimension of Sustainable Development,
24-26th April, OECD, Paris, http://www.oecd.org/sweden/2083795.pdf.
3 D.F.L. No 70/1988,
http://www.leychile.cl/Navegar?idNorma=4427.
4 Executive Decree 453 of the 1988 Law N° 70, of
the Ministry of Public Works, http://www.leychile.cl/Navegar?idNorma=98618.
5 GWI, 2013, Global Water Intelligence Market
Insight: Chile. Media Analytics Ltda. UK.
6 Hearne, R. and G. Donoso, 2005, Water
Institutional Reforms in Chile, Water Policy, 7 (2005), 53-69.
1
7 SISS, 2013, Informe de Gestión 2013.
http://www.siss.gob.cl/577/articles-10684_recurso_1.pdf
8 Williams,
S. and S Carriger, 2006, Water and Sustainable development: Lessons from Chile,
Global Water Partnership, Policy Brief 2, Technical Committee (TEC). Available
at www.gwpforum.org/gwp/library/policybrief2chile.pdf.
9 WRI
(World Resources Institute). 2003. Earth Trends Country Profiles. (http://earthtrends.wri.org/country_profiles/index.cfm?theme=2).
[1]
Long-term infrastructure investment costs are included in the water and
sanitation services tariff rates.
[2]
The value of water for each WSS provider is determined by market prices of
traded WUR.
[3]
This practice does not distort the price signals.
[4] A
client is determined by the property, rather than the individual, that receives
services and is billed for these (more than one person may live in the same
property, benefiting from the services).